What the interim government needs to do urgently

After 15 years of autocratic rule and authoritarian economic policymaking, the time has come for significant societal reform through conscious youth leadership and public participation. Such a possibility was created once in 1972 and again in 1990. We could not realise either of those two opportunities because of the betrayal and hypocrisy of the big political parties. Instead, we saw them consolidate their wealth and create a new political class.
It is important that we remember the failings of the past, so that we do not replicate them moving forward. Now, there is an interim government—we know its limitations but we must also keep in mind its primary responsibilities. This government came to power through a mass uprising, so it has public support and responsibility to initiate some major reforms that other governments did not. Let’s consider some of the things this government can do in the next one or two months.
First and foremost, inquiry committees should be formed to investigate the unprecedented number of killings and acts of repression that we have witnessed. The responsible persons, organisations, and policies that enabled these actions should be brought to justice and amended through a special tribunal. An example must be set so that this sort of mass killing can never happen again in Bangladesh.
Massive corruption, bad deals, bank robberies, loan defaults, and over-expenditures in megaprojects have been commonplace in the last 15 years. The government should publish a white paper and make public all the deals, contracts and excesses of the previous regime. The next duty would be to analyse the large amount of loans incurred—Bangladesh has never had such high levels of foreign loans. The people of Bangladesh are yet to fully realise the steep amount they will need to repay as a result of these incredibly expensive contracts, since the deals were never made public. Moving forward, we must demand full disclosure of each loan or contract signed by our government, as the burden for paying them will fall on us.
Then there are the megaprojects, which have been touted as the achievements of the government; yet many of them are actually disastrous, unreliable, and risk-prone, threatening the security of the country. It is essential for this government to review these megaprojects. One of the most prominent ones is the Rampal project which has the potential to destroy the Sundarbans, the largest mangrove forest in the world that also acts as a protective barrier against natural disasters. Enough national and international research has been conducted by experts clearly highlighting the dangerous impact of these projects. Moreover, there has been a decade-long people’s movement against this project with support being attained from every section of society.
There is also the Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant, which poses an existential threat. It is unusual to find a nuclear power plant in such a densely populated place filled with forests and rivers. If the risk of such a nuclear plant were ever to become a reality, the lives of tens of millions of people would be endangered. Even the nuclear waste management system of a project like this would put the country at risk.
The decision is clear: projects like Rampal, Rooppur, and Bashkhali must be cancelled. The interim government can initiate the process of doing so. Now, a question may arise: Since we have already taken loans for these projects and spent such an exorbitant amount of money, won’t this be a massive financial loss to not continue? My answer is this: if a government, without the consent of its people, takes a loan that is against their well-being, it is not the people’s responsibility to repay that loan. It is a case of odious debt, a legal doctrine explaining this very phenomenon. However, should we not receive that exemption and have to repay the loan, I would still argue that cancelling such projects would be more beneficial than going ahead with them in the long run.
The energy sector has become an area of large-scale corruption in Bangladesh. In the name of capacity charges, some companies receive hundred thousand crores of taka. Previously, the prime minister was in charge of this ministry, along with the state minister, aided by some local and international private companies. The companies that benefitted from unethical arrangements included well-known names such as Summit, Beximco, Bashundhara, United and many others in Bangladesh; in India, it consisted of NTPC, Adani, and Ambani; in Russia, it was Rosatom and Gazprom; in the US, the organisations were Chevron, ConocoPhillips; and in China it was China Power etc.
The entire power and energy policy needs to be revised. The Quick Enhancement of Electricity and Energy Supply Act must be repealed immediately. Right now, we are running on a master plan made entirely by foreign consultants. We have to reject this and cancel all the environmentally disastrous, import-oriented, foreign-funded projects and opt for environmentally-friendly, safe, non-corrupt projects. This will not only reduce the price of gas and electricity, but eliminate the threat posed to the environment. We can achieve this by developing Bangladesh’s capacity in natural gas exploration and by pushing for renewable energy. The interim government must initiate this journey.
Next, we have to prioritise the major but neglected sectors crucial for public well-being which include public education, public healthcare, and public transportation. For far too long, we’ve seen low budget allocation and high irregularities in these sectors. Meanwhile, public transportation remains under the auspices of corrupt business owners. Should the spirit of the 2018 Road Safety movement be revived, and the demands made then be fulfilled now, the public transport sector can be greatly rectified. After independence, great emphasis had been placed on education and health; yet we have backtracked completely. Every government has failed in this regard. If the current government focuses on fixing these sectors, their credibility will increase, and based on this, stronger institutions may be developed.
The conversation of reforming the constitution should also start. We need to figure out how the constitution has become exceedingly discriminatory, autocratic, and anti-people. How was power taken from the people? Why does the prime minister hold so much power in one hand? The constitution includes clauses for gender, class, ethnic and religious inclusion and also includes clauses against all sorts of discrimination. Yet, these promises have not been fulfilled due to opposite clauses in the same constitution.
Finally, along with institutional reforms for sustainable democracy, the VIP culture must be eradicated. Public offices should transform to serve the public without hassle. There must be accountability and transparency for all actions taken by government offices..
Anu Muhammad is former professor of economics of Jahangirnagar University.

Views expressed in this article are the author’s own.
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